Chapter 90: 1953 January (End of Nepal Merger Arc)
Protests, strikes, and even violent clashes had erupted across Nepal in the months leading up to the merger, as many Nepalis struggled to come to terms with the loss of their sovereignty.
Merger or Unification is never easy because sometimes people see that as an attack on their identify not to mention Nepalese People who are proud and have enjoyed their independence for a long time.
Though the streets had grown quieter, the people of Nepal still remained uncertain about what their future held.
In New Delhi, Prime Minister Rohan stood at his office window, looking out over the city as the evening light faded.
The majesty of the capital, with its modern buildings and busy streets, seemed so far removed from the distant mountains of Nepal.
Yet, the responsibility of integrating the small, mountainous nation into the fabric of India was complicated. This wasn't just about redrawing borders, it was about merging two distinct identities, histories, and ways of life.
Rohan's thoughts were interrupted by a knock at the door. His secretary entered, followed by General Singh, head of military operations, and Atma Jayaram, the chief of the Intelligence Bureau. They exchanged brief greetings before taking their seats.
"Prime Minister, we've received some new intelligence," Atma began, his tone serious. "Our agents in Nepal are reporting increased activity from anti-merger groups. It seems China and Pakistan haven't given up, they've just gone underground. They're funding local agitators and spreading disinformation, particularly in the border regions."
General Singh leaned forward, his expression grim. "They're playing a long game, sir. They know they can't stop the merger outright, so they're trying to destabilize the region over the long term. The goal is to keep Nepal in a state of unrest, to make the integration process as difficult as possible."
Rohan frowned, the thought of external forces manipulating the already fragile situation in Nepal angered him, but he knew that reacting too aggressively could backfire.
"We need to be strategic," he said after a moment. "Yes, we should increase security along the borders and crack down on illegal activities. But we also need to strengthen our relationship with local leaders in Nepal. They need to see us as partners, not occupiers."
General Singh nodded. "We've already stepped up patrols and intelligence operations in the border areas. But we need to do more to win over the local population. If they see the benefits of being part of India better infrastructure, more economic opportunities they'll be less likely to support these anti-merger groups."
Rohan agreed. The integration of Nepal into India wasn't just a political challenge; it was a deeply personal one for the people involved. "We also need to focus on cultural integration," he added. "Nepal's identity is unique, and we need to respect that. I want programs that promote Nepali culture and language, and I want local leaders involved in the decision-making process.
The more they feel included, the smoother this process will be."
Atma spoke up. "We're keeping a close eye on China and Pakistan. They have their own internal issues to deal with, which is why they've backed down from open opposition. But they're still a threat, and we need to stay vigilant."
Rohan leaned back in his chair. The international response to the merger had been mixed. While some countries, particularly the United States, saw the strategic importance of a strong, unified India, others were more critical. They questioned India's motives, viewing the merger as a potential power grab.
China was deeply concerned about India's growing influence in the Himalayas, a region that Beijing considered vital to its own security and strategic interests. Pakistan fearing that a stronger, more unified India could will be against its intrest.
Despite their initial outrage, both China and Pakistan had eventually backed down from openly opposing the merger.
China was dealing with its own internal challenges, including political unrest and economic difficulties, which limited its ability to engage in a confrontation with India.
Pakistan, for its part, was struggling with severe economic problems and couldn't afford a direct conflict.
However, both nations continued to work behind the scenes to undermine the merger. Intelligence reports indicated that China and Pakistan were providing financial and logistical support to anti-merger groups within Nepal.
These groups, though not strong enough to mount a serious challenge to the Indian government, were nonetheless a source of ongoing instability.
"Constant Vilgilance, we need to stay ahead of them," Rohan said firmly. "Keep monitoring their activities, and don't hesitate to take action if necessary. But our main focus should be on making sure Nepal's integration into India is smooth and beneficial for everyone involved."
The meeting continued, with the three men discussing strategies for handling both the internal and external challenges to the merger.
By the time it ended, he was under no illusions about the difficulties that lay ahead.
He thought about the people of Nepal, who were still adjusting to their new reality. Many were unsure of what the future held, worried that their culture and way of life might be swallowed up by the larger, more dominant India.
It was up to him and his government to ensure that didn't happen, to show the Nepali people that they weren't losing their identity, but rather becoming part of something larger that could bring them new opportunities and a better future.
The integration of Nepal into India was not just a political move, it was an opportunity to build something lasting, something that could benefit both nations for generations to come.
With this Rohan felt satisfied with what he has achieved since 1947, he has changed the trajectory of India to a path never travelled and he also has brought India close to a concept that was unthinkable in the future.
Akhand Bharat.